guardian.co.uk, Thursday 13 May 2010 08.00 BST
It would be just another tragedy if it had taken place anywhere else in Iraq, but the killing of Zardasht Osman, a 23-year-old Kurdish freelance journalist and university student who was kidnapped, tortured and then found dead with bullet wounds has shocked the comparatively stable Kurdistan region of Iraq, where the authorities now have much explaining to do.
Osman, writing anonymously but later revealing his identity, had been critical of the authorities and the patronage and corruption that plague Kurdistan. He pushed the boundaries of freedom in the region by publishing a number of inflammatory articles, insulting senior officials of the ruling Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic party (KDP); and crossed the red line of local taboo by writing of his desire to marry President Massoud Barzani's daughter: a no-go area for any sane Kurd.
After publishing such articles, Osman faced intimidation and received death threats (as described by him in an article he wrote in December 2009). Three months later events culminated in his death and fingers are now pointed towards the Kurdistan regional government (KRG) and its security services or, at the very least, a group belonging to one of the ruling entities.
Many will argue that such accusations are not unfounded. Osman was kidnapped in broad daylight at his university in front of its armed security guards. His assailants threw him into a vehicle and met no resistance whatsoever. They were able to take him from the bustling and populated city of Erbil, pass through countless security checkpoints and then take him to the volatile and disputed territory of Mosul where they dumped his body the following night. Osman may have died during this journey, or in Mosul itself.
What makes this so remarkable is that Kurdistan's security and intelligence services are renowned for their tight grip; Kurdistan has suffered just one major terror attack since 2003, has eliminated jihadist terrorists and their cells, and its security forces have successfully created a haven safe for foreign investment and workers.
Protests have taken place in the past few days in Erbil and Sulaimaniyah, and more are expected. Recognising the severity of the issue and the potential it has to trigger greater protests of outrage on the Kurdish street, the KRG has established a commission to investigate Osman's killing and has called for calm as it does so.
It will have to convincingly answer the questions on most people's minds. First, why were the attackers able to abduct Osman as easily as they did? Second, why were Osman's complaints to the police and his university dean about the threats he received not followed through? And finally, after Osman had been abducted what steps did the authorities take to intercept the attackers? It defies logic that, after abducting Osman, the attackers could make a journey of at least three hours, pass through security checkpoints undeterred and unquestioned, find a safe house to torture their victim and then swiftly dump his body.
In other words, the KRG will have to go beyond merely attributing blame to individuals or a particular entity. Of course, there could be other reasons for Osman's killing but these do not sound very plausible. The operation to kill him was certainly audacious and, in normal circumstances, would have required the most sophisticated planning and the most cunning and exceptionally trained of attackers.
A statement on the KRG's website says the crime was "designed to undermine the security of the region", which could be an attempt to blame foreign entities. But the KRG would do well to avoid making such suggestions unless they can be substantiated – otherwise it could end up looking like the typical undemocratic governments of the world that blame "foreigners" for all their problems.
The sooner the commission establishes its findings, and convincingly so, the better it will be. Continued delay will swell the discontent, as well as provide the opposition movement, Change ,with an opportunity to exploit the situation and seriously hurt the KDP and PUK, to the detriment of regional stability. If left unresolved, the situation could deteriorate to such an extent that the two ruling parties end up blaming each other – and that would be dangerous.
I am in love with Massoud Barzani's daughter A poem that kills. By Sardasht Osman
I am in love with the daughter of [Iraqi Kurdistan president] Massoud Barzani, the man who appears here and there and claims he is my president. I would like him to be my father-in-law and also I would like to be a brother-in-law with [former Prime Minister] Nechirvan Barzani*.
If I become Massoud Barzani?s son-in-law, we would spend our honeymoon in Paris and also we would visit our uncle?s mansion in America. I would move my house from one of the poorest areas in Erbil to Sari Rash [Barzani?s palace complex] where it would be protected by American guard dogs and Israeli bodyguards.
I would make my father become the Minister of Peshmerga [the Kurdish militia]. He had been Peshmarga in September revolution, but he now has no pension because he is no longer a member of Kurdistan Democratic Party.
I would make my unlucky baby brother, who recently finished university but is now unemployed and looking to leave Kurdistan, chief of my special forces.
My sister who has been too embarrassed to go to the bazaar to shop, could drive all the expensive cars just as Barzani?s daughters do. For my mother, who is diabetic and has high blood pressure and heart problems but who is not able to afford treatment outside Kurdistan, I would hire a couple Italian doctors to treat her in the comfort of her own house.
For my uncles, I would open few offices and departments and they, along with all my nieces and nephews would become high generals, officers, and commanders.
All my friends said Saro, let it go and give it up for otherwise you will get yourself killed. The family of Mulla Mustafa Barzani [Massoud Barzani's father] can kill anyone they want, and they surely will.
I told them I did not commit blasphemy and I swear to the dagger of [Massoud's late brother] Mustafa Idris Barzani that my father had spent 3 nights with him on the same mountain [during the fight against Saddam] and so why not say those things? Massoud Barzani claimed himself that he is a president,www.ekurd.netand I would ask him how may time has he visited Erbil and Sulaimaniyah in the last 18 years?
My problem is this man, Massoud Barzani, is so tribal that so arrogant that he does not recognize anybody from even the other side of Sari Rash. With a few clicks, I can out more about any leaders? wives in the world but I have no idea who my mother-in-law would be and what she looks like.
I have no idea who I should take with me to ask Massoud Barzani to give me his blessing to marry his daughter. From the beginning, I thought I should take with me few religious figures, some respectful old men and some old peshmerga, but one of my journalist friends told me that I should find some Saddam collaborators and those who participated in the Anfal operation [ethnic cleansing in the late 1980s] with Saddam because they are all around Massoud now and he likes them. Another friend suggested that I should go to one of news conference of Nechirvan Barzani and make friends with him and ask him to do me a favor. However, if he doesn?t help, then I can ask Dashne [a Kurdish singer] because she meets them frequently and might help out.